how does china use the instruments of national power
China has punished countries that undermine its territorial claims and foreign policy goals with measures such as restricting trade, encouraging popular boycotts, and cutting off tourism. These actions have caused significant economic damage to U.S. partners such as Japan and South Korea. Outside actors have a strong interest in encouraging those who favor far-reaching market-oriented reforms to Chinas current economic model. 6 Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Instruction 3100.01D, Joint Strategic Planning System (Washington, DC: The Joint Staff, July 20, 2018), A-1, available at
It analyzes and classifies the major features of Chinas economic coercion and its implications for the United States. These various ways can be understood to occur across a continuum of conflict ranging from peace to war. Peter Harrell is a former adjunct senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security. In Nigeria and South Africa, the tendency to name the U.S. is a departure from last year, when more in both countries named China as the worlds top economic power. In the Middle East and North Africa, majorities in all except Turkey say the economic relationship between their country and China is going well. 66y% As a result, it is perhaps time to transition from a DIME to DIME-FIL concept.
Planning should seriously consider harmonizing DIME-FIL, whole-of-government, and interorganizational concepts in the U.S. peer competition environment to compete in the gray zone and address U.S. problem sets. 
The difference is especially pronounced in India, where nearly three-quarters say they have a good economic relationship with the U.S. and about four-in-ten say the same about China, a difference of 35 percentage points. He is a leading expert on U.S. economic statecraft, including sanctions, export cont Former Senior Fellow and Director, Energy, Economics and Security Program. V
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It will attempt to answer this question by applying the various instruments of national power to form a qualitative assessment of the degree to which NATO exerts itself in these those power domains and how effectively these prepare NATO for conventional warfare. Joint Force Quarterly 97. In 2014, the U.S. dollar was involved in 87 percent of the worlds foreign exchange transactions, proof of its ability to influence financial institutions to comply.13 The intelligence IOP often pairs with the financial to detect and contain, and then the financial IOP deters and disrupts target adversary individuals or groups. The current doctrinal approach stymies the understanding of new IOPs, leaving commanders with plans that result in a limited conceptualization, a lack of creativity, and an echo chamber of DIME-centric operational approaches. As the prospect of material gain now looks less promising, nationalism and repression are the most likely instruments of choice for the party to maintain its monopoly on power. Turks more frequently see Chinese influence negatively. When comparing the two superpowers, by a slim margin, more people in the Asia-Pacific region say China plays a large role in their countrys economic conditions (six-country median of 78%) than say the same of the U.S. (74%). Unlike other IOPs, the legal IOP is complex, incredibly diverse, and rapidly changing over short periods of time. 
The financial IOP was born during the war on terror, as the United States sought to disrupt and dismantle global terrorist financial networks. Likewise, more see the U.S. than China as the top economy in all three sub-Saharan African countries surveyed, though the publics are largely divided. Therefore, U.S. military leadership should consider adding the FIL IOPs to the DIME construct and incorporating it into joint doctrine to improve interorganizational planning for an international and intergovernmental approach in the new environment of Great Power competition. For too long Chinese economic coercion has escaped sustained scrutiny. Generally, the financial instrument should be understood as the denial of access to specified individuals or groups from a formal or informal financial system, network, or source of funding.
Train and Plan with DIME-FIL for Near-Peer Threats. The law enforcement IOP is crucial to achieving legitimacy by balancing national, international, and foreign law with national interests and partnering with local law enforcement entities to achieve unity of effort and accomplish objectives. WebThe military instrument of national power can be used in a wide variety of ways that vary in purpose, scale, risk, and combat intensity. The U.S. and its allies need to start planning for alternative scenarios to Chinas linear development. Summarized on page x and detailed in entire publication. Yet, far more commonly, when Beijing unilaterally uses its own coercive economic measures it does so to bolster its territorial claims and national sovereignty or to advance other core interests. The first mention of FIL pertaining to the National Security Strategy was in 2003, in a document that called for defeating terrorism through the direct and indirect use of DIME-FIL IOPs.3 Subsequently, similar language appeared in the 2006 National Military Strategic Plan for the war on terror and focused on cooperation among U.S. agencies, coalitions, and partners to integrate all instruments of U.S. and partner national power . In the next decade, Chinas relative economic power will expand, giving Beijing additional leverage over a more diverse set of countries and companies. It should consider strengthening anti-boycott statutes and authorizing funding to compensate targets of Chinese coercive measures, at home and abroad. 21 JP 3-13, Information Operations (Washington, DC: The Joint Staff, November 27, 2012, Incorporating Change 1, November 20, 2014), available at
The intelligence instrument delivers decision advantage through activities, products, and organizations, mainly through national and international intelligence agencies, enabling value-added data for the rest of the IOPs. As a result, the economic instrument relies on the diplomatic instrument to carry out these actions. WebNATOs deterrence and defence posture is based on, among other factors, an effective combination of cutting-edge weapons systems and platforms, and forces trained to work together seamlessly. It is the responsibility of planners and commanders to synchronize the instruments and create a more strategic globally integrated approach. When comparing the two superpowers, by a slim margin, more people in the Asia-Pacific region say China plays a large role in their countrys economic conditions (six-country median of 78%) than say the same of the U.S. (74%). Training should not be singularly focused on the big M and conventional warfare. In Lebanon, for example, those who say China is the worlds leading economic power are 62 percentage points more likely than those who think the U.S. is the top economy to want strong economic ties with China. The Strategic Asia annual edited volume incorporates assessments of economic, political, and military trends and focuses on the strategies that drive policy in the region. (+1) 202-857-8562 | Fax Commanders should also incorporate legal expertise from State or Justice into planning. This is probably most evident in the developing world, particularly Africa. Despite how long the DIME has been used for describing the instruments of national power, U.S. policymakers and strategists have long understood that there are many more instruments involved in national security policy development and implementation. China has targeted countries such as the Philippines for their challenges to Chinas maritime claims and Norway for its alleged intrusion in Chinese domestic politics for the awarding of a Nobel Peace Prize to dissident Liu Xiaobo. As such, investing in the right capabilities is In Lebanon, about twice as many say China is having a good influence (50%) than say the same of the U.S. (26%). But in South Korea and Japan, upwards of nine-in-ten say both superpowers have a great deal of influence. The increased understanding of the FIL IOPs allows the joint community to update doctrine, synchronize, and involve mission partners early in planning and perform in the competitive environment, ultimately achieving unity of effort and effectively protecting national interests. The key aspect of the financial instrument is the denial of access to financial systems, mainly through the Treasury Department, providing precision effects and denying adversaries access to financial systems. Center for Security Studies/Christine June), Air battle manager with 16th Airborne Command and Control Squadron monitors radar system on E-8 Joint STARS aircraft flying off coast of Florida, July 14, 2018 (U.S. Air Force/Marianique Santos), Afghan and coalition security force members conceal themselves in field during operation in search of Taliban facilitator in Sayyid Karam District, Paktia Province, Afghanistan, June 5, 2013 (U.S. Army/Codie Mendenhall), Coalition-aligned security force Maghaweir al-Thowra seize $3.5 million in illicit drugs, including nearly 850,000 regional amphetamine Captagon pills, The key U.S. organizations for the legal aspect are the Department of State and Department of Justice, which provide legal expertise for national and international law while working with partner-nation justice departments to achieve an understanding of key legal issues.
But, in much of the Asia-Pacific region, people are more likely to evaluate the U.S. economic influence positively than the Chinese, or at least to see them comparably. National security reviews now include transactions in which a foreign investment was merely a minority interest instead of a controlling share and extend review powers into the real estate sector. China has been a practitioner of economic statecraft throughout its history, and in recent decades since Deng Xiaoping opened the country in the 1970s. An increased understanding of the FIL IOPs will allow the U.S. military to update doctrine, synchronize the IOPs, become more globally integrated, and perform in the competitive environment, ultimately achieving unity of effort and effectively protecting national interests. In Turkey especially, about three-quarters say the U.S. has a negative influence on their domestic economic conditions. This approach could act as a deterrent by raising costs for Chinas conduct. Indians, Indonesians and South Koreans are also much more likely to see the U.S. influence as positive than negative. Last year, an unprecedented $150.5 billion in two-way trade occurred between China and Brazil, and China is also engaged in similar activities with other nations, such as Russia and Pakistan. And, when comparing economic ties to the U.S. and to China, many publics have a sanguine view of their current economic relationship with both superpowers. Today, one of President Xi Jinpings central foreign policy initiatives, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), is a potentially trillion-dollar testament to Beijings commitment to using loans, infrastructure projects, and other economic measures as foreign policy tools. Some key themes that may help us in the new environment are partnerships, strategic messaging, legitimacy, information sharing, decision advantage, technology, attribution, and tempo. In Israel, six-in-ten hold this view, and about half say the same in Turkey and Tunisia (49% and 47%, respectively). Strategy: Directing the Instruments of National Power By Steven Aftergood April 30, 2018 The tools that can be used to assert national power and influence have often been summarized by the acronym DIME Diplomatic, Informational, Military, and Economic. . WebNATOs deterrence and defence posture is based on, among other factors, an effective combination of cutting-edge weapons systems and platforms, and forces trained to work together seamlessly. hmsD?A^0e{ia&Im^(%GKgw8~Z(w=nF66J2L(It81ITD{%JQ35S #)FR JeSdqV64h%^UQ88;;[7Bb7 e9T7(:/C'Q,;Z98wClaoRQSE{;tUeY>i4oy>t0wMQ`Xu'pO\k0c As the prospect of material gain now looks less promising, nationalism and repression are the most likely instruments of choice for the party to maintain its monopoly on power. At first glance, the financial and economic IOPs appear similar; however, they are fundamentally different in scope, enabling instruments, and associated activities. 7 Financial systems can include formal banking, informal systems, online value storage transfer systems, or cash couriers.
The intelligence instrument delivers decision advantage through activities, products, and organizations, mainly through national and international intelligence agencies, enabling value-added data for the rest of the IOPs. In this sense, power and policy are intertwined. As the prospect of material gain now looks less promising, nationalism and repression are the most likely instruments of choice for the party to maintain its monopoly on power. Former Adjunct Senior Fellow, Energy, Economics and Security Program. The multifaceted nature of intelligence makes it difficult to define. 1 Katerina Oskarrson and Robin Barnett, The Effectiveness of DIMEFIL Instruments of Power in the Gray Zone, Open Publications 1, no. Opinions in the Latin American countries surveyed are similar, though less effusive; fewer than two-thirds in all three countries say their economic ties with the U.S. are positive, and substantial minorities say the ties are bad. Additional IOPs have been identified, along with key mission partners, that have the potential to result in better resource utilization, diversity of thought, and smoother transitions. WebThe military instrument of national power can be used in a wide variety of ways that vary in purpose, scale, risk, and combat intensity. Fort Lesley J. McNair For the State and Defense Departments, integrating all four elements of national power to achieve optimal negotiation outcomes is a highly complex and increasingly important requirement to achieve US strategic objectives given the disappearance of unconditional surrender and its nearly unlimited diplomatic yield to victorious states. 26 The diplomatic, intelligence, and military instruments enable the law enforcement instruments of power. Edoardo Saravalle is a former Researcher for the Energy, Economics, and Security Program at the Center for a New American Security (CNAS). Power sets the parameters on each action or set of actions between political entities. For the last two decades, the ascent of China appeared inexorable, but a careful study of its foundations of power yields a more sober conclusion. endobj In terms of resources, China looks like a colossal land of milk and honey. 4 0 obj The Joint Force 2020 concept of globally integrated operations argues for a transregional, all-domain, and multifunctional approach and urges the joint force to prepare for the future competitive security environment by leveraging Service capabilities.5 However, this approach ignores the necessity of incorporating interagency and global partners and capabilities. ) YXTb;;LEf E Sixteen publics were asked whether they prefer stronger economic ties with the U.S. or China. However, roughly a third still name China as the top economy in Mexico and Argentina, and this share has gone up by 6 percentage points in Argentina since 2018. WebPower is not simply what resources a country has at its disposal. Still, publics are relatively divided, as no more than half name either country as the top economy in most countries. Global integration is defined by Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Instruction 3100.01D and the Summary of the 2018 National Defense Strategy of the United States of America as the arrangement of cohesive joint force actions in time, space, and purpose, executed as a whole to address transregional, multifunctional challenges across all domains through the seamless integration of multiple elements of national powerdiplomacy, information, economics, finance, intelligence, law enforcement and military.6 The concept addresses the importance of a unified effort across all elements of national power and could provide a framework to incorporate global integration for the commander and planners to truly leverage all government agencies strengths, achieve military objectives, and ultimately protect national interests. Poles and Slovaks are also at least 10 points more likely to choose the U.S. over China. This military-centric approach often neglects other IOPs, resulting in suboptimal use of resources, the creation of an echo chamber, and poor transitions to other organizations, agencies, and/or national governments. The law enforcement IOP is challenging to define because it has two parts (legal and enforcement); encompasses the political, strategic, operational, and tactical levels; operates through other IOPs;26 and relies heavily on national, international, foreign state, and local partners and organizations. Planners and commanders are tasked with implementing the concept of global integration and executing different types of missions across the spectrum that will be transnational, all domain, and multifunctional, so agility is key. Currently, doctrine and planning emphasize the DIME model.2 The scant literature on IOPs mentions the addition of FIL, but the focus has been its application to combating terrorism. hWmK@+KaRC&n79?TPuIry'" $ FJ49 In the past decade, China has expanded its set of such economic instruments to include sticks, not just carrots. When comparing the two superpowers, by a slim margin, more people in the Asia-Pacific region say China plays a large role in their countrys economic conditions (six-country median of 78%) than say the same of the U.S. (74%).
About four-in-ten or more see Chinese influence positively in the Latin American nations surveyed as well. Power sets the parameters on each action or set of actions between political entities. 626 0 obj
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Japanese are relatively divided on the issue, with 42% citing positive influence and 39% negative. China, too, I would argue uses hard instruments of power, particularly economic power, for soft power purposes. Though economic coercion is one of many facets of Chinese economic statecraft, U.S. policymakers must better understand it. The United States is named as the top economic power in 21 of the 34 countries surveyed, while China is considered the top economy in 12 (the U.S. and China are tied as top economic power in Lebanon). 8 Carl Priechenfried, Untying Our Hands: Untying Cyber as an Instrument of National Power, Masters thesis, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2017, available at
WebPower is not simply what resources a country has at its disposal. Strategy: Directing the Instruments of National Power By Steven Aftergood April 30, 2018 The tools that can be used to assert national power and influence have often been summarized by the acronym DIME Diplomatic, Informational, Military, and Economic. The United States will need to harness the intelligence instrument to meet the new environment. Intelligence will need to emphasize attribution to identify criminal cyber and proxy actors that enable financial and law enforcement instruments to act. For the four Middle East and North African countries surveyed, opinions are mixed. In times of uncertainty, good decisions demand good data. Most in sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America, too, describe Chinese influence positively, even as substantial numbers in most countries also see U.S. influence positively. While the U.S. military tends to view the instruments of power (IOPs) strictly through the lens of the diplomatic, informational, military, and economic (DIME) framework, it is increasingly imperative to consider additional IOPs such as finance, intelligence, and law enforcement (FIL). Definitions provide the foundation for a common understanding of concepts and terms. Ultimately, the intelligence IOP provides decision advantage, and the information IOP is meant to influence a target audience. Second, a comparison of the US DIME (Diplomacy, Information, Military, and Economic) model will show that the US remains the dominant global power, but that China is investing in It also offers preliminary recommendations for U.S. policymakers and stakeholders to begin addressing the challenge. NYc7FrW~7XgjSM6e"2$vj?2t=L6aZfe+)yh0aa A#ZWleBd(zo7eJXXSWNL$w%3u h3P@$_;c6:(!& _aAa] D@~%%mr O cr~dmpAUQn3}8p~f(qO;Vw_=CjjjFwp]~"? Strategic Asia Program Strategic Asia
9 The relationship with the state or organization could be adversarial, neutral, or friendly.